alsafa

Three months into the new presidential term, and two into the cabinet’s tenure, the post-election euphoria still lingers. Backed by international and Arab support, and enjoying a measure of local endorsement, the new leadership appears caught up in celebration. Yet, their actions so far can be summed up in three telling words: improvisation, hesitation, and slogans — slogans that, as the French saying goes, are “too good to be true.”

The appointment of a new central bank governor did not go smoothly. Instead of consensus, it was met with contention — particularly over Prime Minister Nawaf Salam. President Joseph Aoun pushed strongly for Karim Souaid, with backing from various domestic and international actors. Meanwhile, Salam and his aligned ministers expressed reservations over the nominee.

Why, then, if there had been full alignment on financial and economic policy — as declared in both the president’s inaugural speech and the ministerial statement — was that harmony not reflected in the choice of central bank governor?

Many fear this discrepancy between the president and the prime minister marks the beginning of a forced coexistence, born from clashing goals — or, more likely, clashing personalities. After all, Prime Minister Salam was never President Aoun’s preferred candidate for the country’s third highest post.

Let’s revisit those three words, now with examples.

Improvisation.

The State Security agency abruptly reduced protective details assigned to several political figures. The decision lasted a mere two days before being reversed — upon the request of the Central Security Council — on the pretext that a more comprehensive study was needed before implementing uniform measures.

Telecom Minister Charles Al-Hajj terminated the contract of Ogero Director-General Imad Kreidieh months before its scheduled end. Just two days later, Prime Minister Salam asked Kreidieh to remain in his post until a successor could be named through the proper channels — without setting a clear timeline.

Information Minister Paul Morcos appointed a new board of directors for Télé Liban (the first Lebanese public television network, owned by the Lebanese government) and referred the matter to the cabinet for approval. Ignoring criticisms that he bypassed official appointment procedures — which he claimed do not apply to the broadcaster — Morcos ultimately yielded to the government’s decision to delay and submit the process to the formal mechanism.

Three improvised decisions. Three quick reversals. Where is the vision? Where is the coherence? And to what end?

Hesitation.

What’s the government’s clear, decisive stance on implementing UN Resolution 1701 in full, more than three months after the ceasefire? Over 100 Lebanese have died since then amid ongoing Israeli violations. The Lebanese army has deployed in required areas — yet that hasn’t deterred Israel. On the contrary, its incursions have escalated, including the occupation of new southern positions it shows no signs of vacating.

What’s the status of Lebanon’s diplomatic efforts to halt these violations? The proverbial American “Wailing Wall” yields neither results nor sympathy — it’s firmly pro-Israel, granting it the green light to continue operations targeting Hezbollah as part of a broader regional campaign to dismantle armed resistance groups.

Will the government resort to force to disarm Hezbollah, as demanded by some domestic factions? Or will it pursue a more conciliatory solution? Will the international community accept this “gentler” approach, with no deadline in sight — a scenario that could stretch indefinitely? And what happens if Lebanon fails to act within the undefined limits?

Meanwhile, what concrete steps has the government taken to stem the flow of Syrian refugees into Lebanon? Or to address Syrian attacks on Lebanese border villages? Where are the outcomes of former PM Najib Mikati’s talks with Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa? What of Defense Minister Michel Mnassa’s postponed meeting with his Syrian counterpart — now relocated to Saudi Arabia at Damascus’ request?

In a closed-door gathering of MPs and political figures Thursday night, the consensus was bleak: expectations on both the southern and eastern fronts bode ill for Lebanon. The situation is only deteriorating.

And finally, the slogans.

From outdated clichés, to rosy promises worthy of a campaign trail, to the overly polished musings of self-important language consultants orbiting presidents and ministers — it’s all just noise. Let’s not even dwell on the diplomatic theatrics of a certain minister who, seemingly nostalgic for his days behind a sandbag bunker, theatrically “disciplined” his staff — a move critics dismissed as pure performance.

This is just the tip of the iceberg: improvisation, hesitation, and slogans.

And if this is just the beginning — as many observers are warning — then Lebanon may be in for a very long and uneasy “peace.”

May God help us — and may He help Aoun.